No country likes to confront the possibility that a part of its body politic wants to go separate. It is an affront to national identity and the leadership of the country would see it as a challenge to their most fundamental responsibility. Meanwhile, separatists would go back to history to justify their separate identity. We are currently seeing this played out in two cases where the independence movements have implications far beyond their borders.
On 1 October, the Spanish region of Catalonia attempted a referendum for independence. The vote was outlawed by the Central government, the police were out in large numbers to prevent the vote, and batons striking peaceful voters spiced television coverage in the following days. With all the confusion and threats from the federal government, only about 40 per cent of those eligible voted (not all Catalonians favour separation) but about 90 per cent of those who voted were in favour of independence.
Spanish regions already enjoy a high level of autonomy and Catalan manages its own police, health and education. The region is doing well economically and resents what it sees as its tax revenue subsidising the rest of the country. Resentment in Catalonia goes back a few centuries to a time even before the formation of modern Spain. Their old grievance that the centre is preventing use of the Catalan language is not valid any more but they resent court judgements that struck down laws that would have given them greater autonomy. The Centre declared the whole separatist movement illegal, and is using constitutional provisions to now even deny Catalan its autonomy, has undertaken direct rule from Madrid while planning for fresh elections soon. A spokesman for the separatist movement said their efforts would continue and that they are sworn to follow a non-violent path ‘that would make Gandhi proud.’
The EU is in a bit of a bind about Catalonia’s attempt. They do not want to be supportive of regions wanting to go independent and made it clear to Scotland earlier that if it split from the UK, it would have to go through the whole process of applying to join the EU.
About a week earlier, on September 25, the Kurdish region of Iraq had a referendum seeking independence that went off peacefully. The results showed 93 per cent in favour, and the Kurdish leadership believed the strong result would strengthen their efforts to seek a negotiated separation. The hurt of the Kurds also goes back a few centuries for they feel that the colonial powers, while carving up the region after World War I denied them a state although they claim a separate identity with a language, culture and history. The Kurdish region is where the Iraqi oil wealth resides. So the Iraqi government has reacted as expected, declared the vote illegal, and began sending its forces to take over control of the major towns of the region.
Ironically, Kurdish para military forces till recently fought the ISIS alongside Iraqi soldiers, and now the two groups are fighting each other. Turkey, Iran and Syria who also have restive Kurdish minorities are worried that the independence bug may spread to their people and are putting pressure on the Iraqi government to squash the independence efforts.
The writer is a professor at Suffolk University, Boston