Pakistan’s founder, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, proclaimed just prior to Pakistan’s independence, that the country he founded on the basis of religion would not discriminate against any of its citizens on the basis of religion. While the eastern half of his country separated on the basis of ethnicity in 1971, what remains of what he initially called a “moth-eaten” Pakistan is now finding that religion could indeed tear the country apart.
Born into an Ismaili Shia family, Jinnah could well be regarded as a kaffir by many in today’s Pakistan. Extremist Wahhabi-oriented groups, who, since the days of General Zia ul Haq, have received extensive support from the army, regularly target and kill Shias, or even Sunnis who are Sufi in orientation.
Considered hereticalThe most revered Sufi shrine in Pakistan, where thousands of people people of all sects and religions congregate and worship, is that of Lal Shahbaz Qalandar at Sehwan, in Northern Sind. Built in 1356, it was established in memory of the 13th century Sufi saint Syed Usman Marwandi, popularly known as Lal Shahbaz Qalandar, whose ancestors were devotees of Imam Hussein, grandson of the IProphet. Reza Shah Pahlavi, the last Shah of Iran, donated the shrine’s gold-plated main gate.
For today’s jihadis in Pakistan, especially from groups such as the Jaish-e-Mohammed, the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, and the Tehriq-e-Taliban (Pakistan), that have received or continue to receive ISI support, Sufi shrines are heretical, and its worshippers targets for elimination. This is precisely what happened on February 16, when a fanatical suicide bomber entered the shrine in the midst of prayers and triggered explosives, killing 88 devotees and grievously wounding over 250.
Not surprisingly, Pakistan reacted by passing the blame to others for its incredible follies in strengthening “militant Islam” ever since the days of anti-Soviet jihad. This policy was followed by its backing of the Taliban in Afghanistan and the use of “non-State actors” for jihad in Jammu and Kashmir and elsewhere in India. The Tehriq-e-Taliban was a tool of the ISI, used to wage jihad against American and pro-government forces in Afghanistan, post 9/11.
The situation changed when the army led by the ubiquitous Gen Raheel Sharif, saw the TTP establishing a presence over large areas beyond its traditional habitat, and launched large-scale operations against it. This was done without Sharif bothering to secure parliamentary approval. These operations led to escalating violence, and the displacement of nearly a million Pashtuns from their tribal homes, with many seeking refuge in Afghanistan. Thus, while the ISI continues to back the Afghan Taliban, the army is bogged down in a conflict with the TTP, some of whose cadres operate across the disputed Durand Line, separating Pakistan and Afghanistan.
Blame gameThe fact that Pakistan is still living in a world of delusion was evident from the reaction both by the government and by the army chief, Gen Bajwa, to the Sehwan attack. In an effort to establish that no Pakistani groups were involved, the ISIS and then an allegedly Afghanistan-based group, the Jamat ul Ahrar, were blamed by Pakistan for the Sehwan outrage. Indiscriminate attacks against alleged terrorist locations in Punjab, Sind and Baluchistan followed the attack on the shrine. Over 100 alleged “terrorists” were killed within hours, with the army also mounting attacks on alleged terrorist “hideouts” along the border. Officials from the Afghan embassy in Islamabad were summoned to the Army’s GHQ and given a list of 76 alleged “terrorists” said to be living in Afghanistan.
Bajwa also called the American commander in Afghanistan, Gen John Nicholson, warning that continuing attacks across the border are testing Pakistan’s policy of “cross-border restraint”. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s adviser, Sartaj Aziz, spoke in similar terms to Afghanistan’s National Security Adviser Hanif Atmar. A logical question would be whether Pakistan has done anything to prevent its jihadis, including the Taliban, the LeT and the Jaish-e-Mohammed, from crossing the Durand Line, the LoC in Kashmir, or the international border with India? Is it not a fact that groups once nurtured by the ISI are executing terrorist attacks within Pakistan?
Best approachWith Pakistan on the back foot, a carefully crafted approach to relations with Pakistan needs to be adopted by India. New Delhi should remain firm on issues of terrorism by reiterating that there can be no question of reverting to business as usual till our concerns on Pakistan-sponsored terrorism in India and Afghanistan are addressed. The cross LoC strikes in September last year have set a precedent for India to appropriately respond to attacks on its soil by crossing established borders. Pakistan should be left in no doubt that it can no longer take Indian forbearance for granted.
The recent invitations to India and Iran from Russia to attend talks in Moscow, along with China, Pakistan and Afghanistan, on promoting political reconciliation in Afghanistan, suggest that there is growing realisation that appeasing Pakistan on any proposed “Afghan-led” peace process is counter-productive. India would do well to use these developments for stepping up economic and military assistance to Afghanistan and expediting the operationalisation of the Chah Bahar port. Moreover, it would only be logical for adequate time to be given to the Trump administration to evolve its policies on dealing with Pakistan-sponsored terrorism in Afghanistan and India.
Pakistan should be reminded that it has not fulfilled its commitment made by Sharif at Ufa, for talks between the DGMOs of the two armies, to address issues of cross-border terrorism. The growing sentiments in Pakistan against the attack on its most revered Sufi shrine should be taken note of. The existing agreements with Pakistan on group tourism and visits to shrines could be utilised to promote visits of Pakistani pilgrims to Sufi shrines in India, together with visits by music troupes devoted to Sufi music. New Delhi has done well to facilitate the participation of Indian writers in the Karachi Literary Festival. Reaching out to people getting disillusioned with Wahhabi extremism and violence in Pakistan, while standing firm on terrorism, enhances credibility globally.
The writer is a former High Commissioner to Pakistan