Whether you agreed with his party’s ideology or not, whether you supported the BJP heading a collation government or not, you could not but love Atal Bihari Vajpayee… the affable smiling politician, the poet whose rendition of the poem Geet nahi gaata hu mein you could listen to ad nauseum for the depth of feeling and layers of meaning; the silver tongued orator, particularly in Hindi; the economic reformer not exactly known for his knowledge of economics; and, above all, the consensus builder who could take so many disparate parties and politicians along with him.

Another astute politician, DMK patriarch M Karunanidhi who passed away just a few days before Vajpayee, put it succinctly when answering my question in an interview in 1996, within 10 days of winning an election. When Vajpayee resigned after heading a 13-day coalition government rather than face a no-confidence vote, in the General Elections that followed, the DMK won big. The BJP emerged as the single largest party and desperately needed the DMK’s support. But Karunanidhi did not give it. Why did he do so, I asked him, particularly as he got along so well with Vajpayee? In a flash he quipped: “Vajpayee is the right man in the wrong party”.

This went on to become a definitive statement about Vajpayee’s appeal even in the Opposition camp and among politicians who were bitterly opposed to the BJP. After the Gujarat pogrom of 2002, when a grim-faced Vajpayee told the then Gujarat Chief Minister to follow “ raj dharma ”, it was like a soothing balm put on millions of Indian Muslims who were hurting from what appeared a well-planned and executed attack against the minority community. But for LK Advani, Modi might have lost his job if Vajpayee had his way.

Unparalleled oratory

While all this is part of India’s political history, written and whispered, Vajpayee mesmerised millions of Indians by the magic of his affable persona. Generations of politicians will learn a lot about public speaking by watching Vajpayee’s speeches on Youtube. He was a natural… there was nothing rehearsed in his speeches, even though we are told he worked hard on those he made in Parliament. He could throw the most lethal darts at the Opposition leaders in Parliament but without raising his voice or using bombastic language or hyperbole His speeches in Hindi must surely be the envy of politicians from the Hindi belt.

But Vajpayee was much more than an orator; he was a statesman. He was both spontaneous and impulsive and when something appealed to him he did it! Take the case of the famous bus ride to Lahore. We have it on the authority of his private secretary Shakti Sinha, at present Director of the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, who was very close to him, that he took the instantaneous decision to ride the first bus to roll out from India to Pakistan (Lahore) in 50 years after Pakistan Prime Nawaz Sharif had suggested this in an interview to an Indian editor.

Unlike the austere habits of a Morarji Desai, or even Modi, Vajpayee loved the good life, particularly good food, and indulged in this weakness, which made him so human, just like you and me. Also, he wore his authority lightly. Says Sinha, “He never had to show that he was the boss. He was willing to listen to all points of views. He made it obvious that he was the boss without saying it even once because he was warm and open.”

Generosity of spirit

As a leader, another endearing quality of Vajpayee was his generosity and rising above party politics when it came to complimenting his political opponents when deserved. Though Vajpayee has himself denied referring to Indira Gandhi as a reincarnation of Durga, following India’s triumph in 1971 vis-à-vis creation of Bangladesh, that he did compliment her in Parliament is not under dispute. Similarly, when Mulayam Singh as Defence Minister was informing Parliament about the successful completion of the Sukhoi deal, Vajpayee arose from the Opposition benches and complimented him. While Mulayam was pleasantly surprised, senior BJP leaders were not amused. But clearly for Vajpayee national interest and anything that would make India a stronger and more secure nation was paramount.

The Pokhran nuclear tests in 1998 were done primarily to make India stronger and more secure. Sinha recalls that it was PV Narasimha Rao who had told Vajpayee, who met him after becoming Prime Minister in 1996 and shared his vision about the nuclear tests, to get APJ Abdul Kalam for the task, which he did. It was this ability of Vajpayee to reach out beyond the narrow confines of party politics that made him the leader that he was. In an era of acrimony and bitter, hate-filled speeches against political opponents, the absence of this colossal leader who strode with such distinction on India’s political horizon, is felt even more.

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