The Supreme Court’s direction to the Election Commission to frame guidelines for regulating the promises of various ‘freebies’ made by political parties in their poll manifestos is misconceived. The Court has held that although promises of distribution of freebies may not technically constitute ‘corrupt practice’ under the Representation of People Act, they vitiate the electoral process by influencing voters and disturbing the level-playing between contesting parties. This argument is faulty on two counts. Firstly, it unnecessarily interferes with the freedom of political parties. As long as the contents in their manifestos do not violate the provisions of general laws as well as those relating to the conduct of elections, parties should be allowed to say what they want. Secondly, making promises cannot be compared with bribing voters with money. It is open for any contestant, or the political party to which he belongs, to promise whatever they think would sway the voters. It is another matter that it may or may not carry conviction with the latter. In that sense, there is already a level-playing field among competing parties, which is in stark contrast to doling out cash for vote. Unlike promises, cash payments can be made only by those who have it.
Linked to these is a larger point regarding why freebies are seemingly becoming the order of the day in Indian elections. That has mainly to do with the voters’ overall disenchantment with political parties. They no longer believe in broad-based promises such as banishing poverty or jobs and education for all. Recognising this change, parties have also moved away from making vague and general pronouncements to offering what is more tangible and having immediate impact — be it Rs 2/kg rice or free colour televisions, laptops, mixer-grinders and the like. True, in the process, the calculations of both political parties and the electorate have turned more and more short-term. Just as the voting public has stopped viewing parties as agents for effecting more enduring change in their living conditions, the latter have also made winning the next elections their sole objective. The end result: Populism.
While the above state of affairs may not desirable at all, restricting parties from promising freebies in their election manifestos cannot be a meaningful solution either. If the Indian voter has matured enough to force politicians to graduate beyond empty promises, he/she can be trusted to also see through their populist games in their long run. Everyone loves freebies. But when these start affecting government spending in genuine development works, it may not be politically difficult to convince the same public of their futility. This is already being seen, for instance, in electricity where even farmers are increasingly valuing reliable power over free power. Like other markets, the political market, too, is capable of self-correction that aligns the short-term incentives of producers (parties) and consumers (voters) with long-term public goals. This might take time, which cannot be wished away in a democracy.