Politics of blackmail

The Jat agitation needs to be roundly condemned for resorting to arson, violence and economic blockade of the capital to secure its demand for OBC reservations. The Centre and the Haryana government need to work out the details, such as the percentage of reservations to be accorded in higher education and government jobs for a landowning community that accounts for 30 per cent of Haryana’s population. Whether this leads to an increase in the overall OBC quota of 27 per cent in the case of Haryana, remains to be seen. Apart from the Jats, the Patels, Kapus and Vanniyars in Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, respectively, have been on the warpath for OBC status in recent times. While their social histories vary — the Patels have a presence not just in agriculture and small business but also in the diaspora — their largely rural character is a common thread. Last May, the Gujjars, a pastoral community that is said to account for 7 per cent of Rajasthan’s population, secured a 5 per cent OBC quota after unleashing the most extraordinary violence. The State also increased the OBC quota bracket by another 14 per cent. Striking down the UPA’s order for reservations for Jats in nine States, the Supreme Court last March rightly observed that caste cannot be the sole category for backwardness. JNU implements a system of admissions that takes a more nuanced view of disadvantage — one that is more in tune with the realities of caste mobility in contemporary India. It uses a weighted average of various categories apart from caste, such as income, rural background (which would imply access to education) and gender. Improved verification of income and wealth can ensure that such a system works at a broader level. The Centre must initiate a political discussion across the spectrum to move away from the prevailing politics of blackmail and patronage.

Post-reform India should promote equality of opportunity and excellence in equal measure. The use of caste data in the Socio-Economic and Caste Census, which takes a broader view of deprivation, may help in making an informed transition in this regard. While political games certainly play a role in fuelling quota agitations, changes in the larger political economy cannot be overlooked. Post-reform India has squeezed certain business opportunities, while opening up others that require a new set of skills and educational requirements that the agitating communities, due to complex and often inexplicable factors, have not acquired — thereby making them turn to the State sector. Dominant rural communities feel disadvantaged for being unable to fit into the urban economy, except at the lower end, which is at odds with their position in the rural social order.

A mismatch between rural incomes and urbanised aspirations can be a major cause of discontent. Overall, the urge for quotas is best addressed by policies that improve access to quality education and address productivity and other pressing issues in agriculture.