The proposed bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh — the first Indian state to be formed on a linguistic basis — has deteriorated into a political slugfest among political parties over either grabbing credit for the division, or blaming the others for it. The intent is clear — derive maximum political mileage before the Assembly and general elections in summer.
The ruling Congress is virtually in the dumps, after 10 years in power. It is fully engaged in machinations and manipulations, trying to hammer out understandings with the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) and the YSR Congress, led by Y. S. Jaganmohan Reddy, before the polls. In the worst-case scenario, Andhra Pradesh’s Chief Minister, Kiran Kumar Reddy, who has put up a staunch integrationist posture defying the High Command, may even float a separate political party, beefed up by a good number of Congress deserters, to cash in on the sentiments of the Seemandhra people.
The Congress High Command is pushing hard to get its highly divided state leadership to impress the electorate in Telangana that the new State is emerging because the party president Sonia Gandhi is firm on keeping her promise, irrespective of the political implications. In Seemandhra, the stand may reduce the number of seats the Congress wins into single digits. There is rank opposition and most of the heavyweights have warned of dire consequences.
The lead player in the bifurcation is the TRS, born with the avowed and sole intention of achieving a separate State of Telangana. K. Chandrasekhar Rao and his dozen legislators and two MPs in the region, with a total strength of 119 legislators and 17 MPs, are involved in a game of outwitting the Congress and convincing people that its pursuit for the last 12 years has resulted in a separate Telangana.
Given his oratory skills, Rao has largely been able to gain advantage over the Congress, whose leaders have plunged into a fight for the chief minister’s post, rather than strengthening the party cadre.
Aided by the political Joint Action Committee led by M. Kodandaram and with the support of government employees from the region, the TRS could force the Congress’ hand on the issue.
Sensing the current mood, Rao is also nursing ambitions of growing his party into the single largest one in the proposed State. In the bargain, indications are clear that the TRS chief is getting ready to forget his promise that he would merge the party with the Congress if Telangana were given and the first chief minister of the new State was a Dalit.
The BJP, though an insignificant player in the State, was quick to flag the separate Telangana struggle. Its intent was clear — to grow its presence in the region and help expand its national footprint, especially in the South.
However, the recent closeness between Narendra Modi and TDP’s Chandrababu Naidu and a possible opportunistic alliance have pushed the party into adopting a posture of both taking credit for a separate Telangana and fighting for the demands of Seemandhra.
The YSR Congress, with 16 legislators and two MPs, was quick to jump into the forefront of the fight for an undivided Andhra Pradesh. The party realised its strength and has steadfastly stuck to its position. However, with neither a clear vision nor policy and with the baggage of corruption accompanying him, Jagan is left claiming inheritance of the populist schemes of his father, the late YSR Reddy. He hopes his anti-bifurcation stance will make him the leading player in Seemandhra and thus a factor in any post-poll alliance at the Centre.
TDP in a bindThe only party that has lost in both claiming credit or in apportioning the blame is the TDP. The party was founded by thespian N. T. Rama Rao in 1982 on the premise of giving a distinct, strong and definitive identity to the then 60 million Telugus of Andhra Pradesh.
Now led by NTR’s son-in-law and former Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu, the TDP is caught in the crossfire of both pro-Telangana and pro-Andhra Pradesh agitations, failing to either support a cause or be at the forefront of taking credit in either situation.
One major reason for this is that the TDP had given its written consent for a separate Telangana. It had also joined hands with the TRS in a grand alliance to oust the Y. S. R. Reddy Government in 2009. At the ground level, the TDP has a significant presence across the entire Telangana region with 34 sitting MLAs. It has also done well in local body elections and its leadership is vocal. Among smaller parties, the stand of the Left is clear — the CPI is for division while CPM is for a united state.
The All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), which, though strong in Hyderabad, has been seeing a potential of expanding its influence in Telangana and Rayalaseema region, and has thus been favouring a united state. In the event of a division, it wants no law and order controls on Hyderabad by the Centre.
While the political biggies are involved in a no-holds-barred fight to derive the maximum benefit from this ‘cause and credit’ drama, the loser seems to be the common man in the State.
With uncertainty continuing, business sentiment has been affected. Fresh investments are not coming; realty sector is badly hit and the overall job situation, except IT in the private sector, is down. There’s an urgent need to end this suspense.